Wednesday 23 April 2008

Why Post-modernism Is, and Is Not, Dangerous for Feminism, Part 4.

The most common criticism made of post-modernism is that it destroys the category ‘women’ and as a result there is no political basis for the feminist movement. From what subject position do we fight if woman is a construction. This was the concern that Michelle over at Lonergrrl raised that inspired this set of posts. It is argued that postmodernism is paralysing for feminism as it destabilises the categories, such as women and oppression, upon which feminism is based. If ‘woman’ is not universal she cannot have any political agency and indeed by utilising constructions such as ‘woman’ feminists keep alive this discourse thus continuing their own oppression. Yet, what this argument misses is that while post-modernism argues that gender and patriarchy are constructions, it recognises that they are constructions that are integral to people’s lives and identities. It shows that it is through these constructions that people make sense of their experiences and their understanding of the world. It argues that these constructions are powerful. ‘Woman’ may be a historically contingent, unstable category but she is integral to identity. This relationship gives feminism political legitimacy.

Linda Alcoff points out that,

[w]hen the concept 'woman' is defined not by a particular set of attributes but by a particular position, the internal characteristics of the person thus identified are not denoted so much as the external context within which that person is situated [among a network of relations]....If it is possible to identify women by their position within this network...then it becomes possible to ground a feminist argument for women, not on a claim that their innate capacities are being stunted, but that their position within the network lacks power and mobility and requires radical change.*

That constructions are lived, political categories allows feminists to challenge and reconstruct them.

Furthermore, because what it means to be a woman is constructed, you have the opportunity to change society. If women were innately stupid, incapable and weak, there would be nothing you could do about it. It is only because post-modernism gave you the tools to deconstruct the categories that shaped how you view the world that you were able to envision a new future.

A second threat that has been blamed on post-modernism is the focus on identity politics within the feminist movement. It is, of course, natural that in the same way we realised that gender was constructed that the other facets of people’s identities, including race, class, sexuality, able-bodiedness and numerous other categories, came under the spotlight. And furthermore it was essential to the feminist movement that this was the case, because the experience of a black woman cannot be divided into her experiences as a woman and her experiences as a black person. Her experiences interact in complex ways and can only be understood in conjunction with each other. The idea that there are experiences that all women have in common as women is actually controversial. What we share as women is social inequality. How we experience that inequality is much more varied. Identity politics is often pointed to as the destroyer of the feminist movement as it fragmented experience. But identity politics are not just in people’s imagination. A black woman’s experience of being a woman is different from mine. We can’t just ignore that, especially when ignoring it tends to favour those with privilege. Now, I absolutely agree that choosing to do nothing about women’s oppression, because it seems complicated is entirely useless and helps no one. But blaming this on identity politics, and as a result postmodernism, is not the way to go. This was not postmodernism’s fault. It was a lack of imagination amongst feminists. A vision for a feminist future has to find away to incorporate difference, not pretend it’s not there. (A good discussion of ways to do this can be found here). Because who does ignoring it actually benefit? In fact, what sort of feminism do you want that does ignore identity politics? If we pretend that postmodernism doesn’t exist, what would that feminism look like? (And don’t say the second wave, because postmodern and identity politics were the inevitable conclusion to second wave debates.)

So, what are the dangers of postmodernism? To my mind, the major danger of postmodernism is its focus on the individual. It is not true that post-modernism denies subject positions (in fact see tomorrow on pomo and the subject), but in fact that it creates as many subject positions as they are people. I think this is problematic as I like the idea of community and I am suspicious that individuality tends towards a very Western conception of the self, that perhaps would not fit with conceptions of the self based within the family or cultural group. This form of individualism is in danger of pushing for an individual rights based politics that tends to homogenise experience into a peculiarly westernised view of the self. In other words, we needed to be careful about what we mean by the individual and the self when we think about politics. But to be honest, I think a sensitivity to this problem can be incorporated into any difference-based feminist movement, and as such, it is not immobilising.

It is often said that deconstruction does not give the building blocks to move forward, but, in many ways, that it not the point of post-structuralism. Post-structuralism is not feminism. It is a tool for understanding how the world works. What we want the world to be or to look like is up to us. Post-structuralism is like an artist’s handbook. It shows us how to put paint (words) on a canvas (the world which we construct through language), using various techniques (discourse). We can’t blame the handbook if we fail to make a masterpiece. How we as feminists move forward is to educate and demand that the world recognise that as women we are disadvantaged (in a myriad of ways) and it is time to change. We have to educate people to questions their preconceptions every time they encounter a woman and, for that matter, a man. To ask themselves would I treat this person in this way if they were male, female, black, white, gay, straight, disabled, able-bodied etc etc, until people can be seen as something other than the labels we place on them; until the labels have so little meaning that they fall into desuetude.

* Linda Alcoff, ‘Cultural feminism versus post-structuralism: the identity crisis in feminist theory’, Signs, 13, (1988), pp.433-434.

2 comments:

Michelle said...

I’ve enjoyed reading your posts on pomo and certainly admire you for being able to write about it such short, clear, readable posts!

I just wanted to respond to a couple of points-

Furthermore, because what it means to be a woman is constructed, you have the opportunity to change society. If women were innately stupid, incapable and weak, there would be nothing you could do about it. It is only because post-modernism gave you the tools to deconstruct the categories that shaped how you view the world that you were able to envision a new future.

I wouldn’t say that pomo ‘gave’ feminists the tools to deconstruct women. I guess I’m averse to the idea that feminism is a product of male-centric academic discourse, when feminism is quite capable of creating its own discourse outside of these terms. I acknowledge that second-wave feminism could be seen as a part of pomo in that it was involved in deconstructing woman, but I suppose I’m averse to saying so blatantly that pomo gave feminists the tools to do that, because that seems like feminists were consciously engaging with pomo ideas when doing so. And in reading early second-wave theory, hardly any reference to the pomos is made- unless you are saying that the likes of de Beauvoir were pomos.

But blaming this on identity politics, and as a result postmodernism, is not the way to go. This was not postmodernism’s fault. It was a lack of imagination amongst feminists. A vision for a feminist future has to find away to incorporate difference, not pretend it’s not there. (A good discussion of ways to do this can be found here). Because who does ignoring it actually benefit? In fact, what sort of feminism do you want that does ignore identity politics? If we pretend that postmodernism doesn’t exist, what would that feminism look like?

I agree with this- I don’t want a feminism that ignores identity politics, for the reasons you’ve outlined. However, I thought that identity politics were antithetical to pomo because given pomo’s emphasis on deconstruction of identity categories, how can identity categories exist in pomo discourse?

Don’t feel obliged to respond, this is just me thinking aloud, and trying to process these thoughts for myself.

And I liked the Alcoff essay you recommended, her theory of ‘positionality’ is a strong one I think, if wanting to reconcile ‘woman’ as a discursive category with ‘woman’ as a more concrete, lived category.

Feminist Avatar said...

On your first point, I see what your saying. I don't really think of deconstruction as something men 'gave us'. I think it was the product of a historical moment that involved lots of thinkers, not the least De Beauvoir. I think that deconstruction methodolgies can be seen in loads of twentieth century thought and continues to be an important part of how we understand the world. I think that in academia we tend to hark back to the post-structuralists (Foucault, Derrida etc) as they articulated the methodology that many people used (rather than creating it). Also, even if a man articulated the concept of deconstruction (I tend to think that all ideas are collaborative although individuals may articulate them), how we use it to deconstruct woman and to otherwise create feminist discourse is our achievement.

As to your second point, all identity is constructed in pomo thought, but that doesn't mean that the categories aren't real for the people that live them. Also, as deconstruction is an explanation for how people understand the world, old categories can only be replaced by new ones. As pomo feminists we need to challenge the power relationships inherent in identity constructions and ask why we construct things the way we do- but we don't get to not use them at all. This is the internal contradictions of pomo thought.

I am glad you enjoyed reading this- it's very hard to know whether you make any sense when talking about this stuff!